Iraq’s water crisis: Dammed by neighbours, failed by leaders

Scarcity of water is not only a national crisis for Iraq, but a growing driver of internal tension.

Expert comment

Published 13 August 2025

Updated 1 October 2025 — 4 minute READ

Image — A traditional boat in one of the canals created by the retreating water of the drought-stricken Chibayish marshes in Iraq's southern Dhi Qar province on 30 July 2025. Photo by ASAAD NIAZI/AFP via Getty Images.

While wars dominate headlines elsewhere in the region, Iraqis are battling a quieter but equally destabilising crisis. Climate change is drying rivers, upstream neighbours are cutting water flows, and the leaders of the country historically known as the ‘Land of the Two Rivers’ have failed to manage its most vital resource.

This water scarcity is not only a national crisis but a growing driver of internal tension, fuelling displacement, deepening rural poverty, triggering major public health problems, and stoking unrest in already fragile communities.

Iraq is facing its lowest water reserves in over 80 years, dropping from approximately 18 billion cubic meters last year to around 10 billion today. The impacts are visible across the country in different but equally damaging ways. In Dhi Qar along the southern Euphrates, more than 10,000 families have been displaced because of shrinking rivers and drying marshes.

In Basra, rising salinity and pollution due to water scarcity are triggering a surge in water-related illnesses. In different cities across Iraq, residents are protesting lack of water and demanding solutions, as some have been without water for more than a month. The crisis has also impacted the country’s food security, with the minister of water resources announcing in summer 2025 the suspension of September farming plans, including wheat cultivation, due to severe water shortages.

A map showing the key rivers and dams in Iraq.

The Euphrates and Tigris rivers in Iraq with major dams in nearby countries. Sources: World Bank, Natural Earth, Geohack.

Upstream pressures

While reduced rainfall and rising temperatures are global challenges, Iraq’s water crisis is also the result of upstream restrictions and domestic neglect. Major Turkish and Iranian dams have sharply reduced river flows, yet the Baghdad government has failed to respond with consistent, professional, water diplomacy. Corruption and self-interest among Iraq’s political elite weaken institutional capacity and create openings for Turkey and Iran to press for deals that serve their own priorities. Internal rivalries leave Iraq without a coherent strategy to protect its share.

Iraq’s water security is heavily influenced by upstream infrastructure in Turkey, Iran, and, to a lesser extent, Syria.

In Turkey, the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP) spans more than 22 major dams and 19 hydroelectric plants on the Tigris and Euphrates. On the Euphrates, key installations include various dams such as the Atatürk dam, one of the world’s largest, which regulate flow before the river enters Syria. On the Tigris, the Ilisu Dam completed in 2020 – has already faced criticism for restricting water flows to Iraq, while the under-construction Cizre Dam is expected to further reduce downstream availability.

While reduced rainfall and rising temperatures are global challenges, Iraq’s water crisis is also the result of upstream restrictions and domestic neglect.

Iran has also re-engineered water flows through dams and diversion projects on tributaries feeding the Tigris. The Sirwan (Diyala) and Little Zab rivers are among those most affected, with major installations such as the Daryan and Sardasht dams and multiple diversion tunnels redirecting water for Iranian agriculture and hydropower. Syria’s role is more limited but still significant, with the Tabqa dam regulating flows from Turkey before the river enters Iraq.

Although Iraq has signed memoranda of understanding and technical agreements with its neighbours, these remain limited, non-binding, and unenforced. Upstream countries continue to exploit the political instability in Iraq and Syria for their own gain. Turkey frequently violates the 1987 transboundary water agreement with Syria, releasing less than the agreed amount. 

Internal failures and governance gaps

In response to worsening water shortages in recent weeks, the Iraqi government has announced measures including the construction of 10 rainwater-harvesting dams in desert areas and the awarding of the long-delayed Basra seawater desalination project to a Chinese/Iraqi consortium.

While both address urgent needs, their timing reflects a familiar pattern in which action comes only when scarcity reaches a crisis point. Past initiatives of this scale have often stalled or faced long delays due to Iraq’s failures fall into three interconnected patterns: corruption, lack of policy continuity, and outright negligence, all of which are aggravated by inefficient water use.

Corruption and political interference have stalled or derailed key water infrastructure projects. In Basra, major desalination initiatives have faced repeated delays, cost escalations, and disputes over contracts. Local reports suggest that political favouritism and opaque tendering processes undermined the project’s implementation. This has left residents dependent on deteriorating water networks and vulnerable to the same risks that caused the 2018 crisis, in which hundreds of thousands were hospitalized due to contaminated water. 

Similar concerns have emerged over deals with Turkish companies, where water releases were reportedly linked to awarding dam construction contracts to Ankara’s firms, turning national resources into bargaining chips.

second half

When crises peak, Baghdad launches ad hoc initiatives that rarely endure beyond the news cycle.

In 2018, after water levels plunged on the Tigris, Parliament convened an emergency session and sought a delay to Ilisu reservoir filling; Turkey paused briefly, then resumed operations. More recently, in July 2025, Parliament Speaker Mahmoud al-Mashhadani visited Ankara and met President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, announcing a short-term promise of increased water flows. However, experts warned that the arrangement was unlikely to last beyond August, reflecting Iraq’s tendency to ensure institutional follow-up.

Much of the irrigation network dates back to the 1970s and 1980s and operates at around 60 percent efficiency.

During Erdoğan’s visit to Baghdad in April 2024, multiple economic and security agreements were signed, but no binding water-sharing deal was secured. By mid-2025, water levels had dropped to their lowest in decades.

Iraq’s agriculture, irrigation, and water conservation infrastructure has also been trapped in cycles of corruption and neglect. Much of the irrigation network dates back to the 1970s and 1980s and operates at around 60 percent efficiency, with huge losses from inefficient flood irrigation and unlined canals. Years of high oil revenues have brought little modernization. Corruption and poor oversight have derailed donor-funded rehabilitation projects: ministries fail to coordinate on water-saving technologies, and political patronage decides where investment goes.

These structural weaknesses leave Iraq without the leverage or credibility to negotiate effectively with its neighbours. Upstream states can exploit Baghdad’s internal divisions, knowing that its political elite are distracted by short-term gains and fragmented agendas rather than building a coherent, long-term water strategy. 

Policy recommendations

Reforms are needed at both domestic and regional levels. Domestically, Iraq should establish a national water diplomacy body with a clear mandate to negotiate, monitor flows, and to coordinate between ministries, governorates, and the Kurdistan region. Infrastructure rehabilitation must be prioritized, with transparent procurement processes to limit corruption and ensure delivery. Modernizing irrigation systems, particularly in agriculture, can reduce wastage and improve efficiency.

The cost of inaction will be measured not only in lost water but also in eroded public trust and weakened national stability. 

Regionally, Iraq should engage trusted international mediators, such as the United Nations or regional organizations, to facilitate binding agreements with Turkey and Iran. Iraq’s accession in 2023 to the UNECE Water Convention, making it the first country in the Middle East to join, offers an international legal framework that could be leveraged in these negotiations. 

Iraq’s water crisis is more than an environmental issue. It is a test of governance. The 2018 Basra crisis and subsequent protests showed how environmental neglect can quickly escalate into public health emergencies and political distrust. 

The cost of inaction will be measured not only in lost water but also in eroded public trust and weakened national stability. Addressing this crisis requires binding water agreements with neighbours, stronger institutional coordination and investment in infrastructure to ensure that governance, not geography, determines Iraq’s water future.